Section 17
Chapter 17: Last Words explained simply
Up from Slavery by Booker T. Washington
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Before going to Europe some events came into my life which were great surprises to me. In fact, my whole life has largely been one of surprises. I believe that any man’s life will be filled with constant, unexpected encouragements of this kind if he makes up…
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Chapter XVII.
Last Words
Before going to Europe some events came into my life which were great
surprises to me. In fact, my whole life has largely been one of
surprises. I believe that any man’s life will be filled with constant,
unexpected encouragements of this kind if he makes up his mind to do
his level best each day of his life—that is, tries to make each day
reach as nearly as possible the high-water mark of pure, unselfish,
useful living. I pity the man, black or white, who has never
experienced the joy and satisfaction that come to one by reason of an
effort to assist in making some one else more useful and more happy.
Six months before he died, and nearly a year after he had been stricken
with paralysis, General Armstrong expressed a wish to visit Tuskegee
again before he passed away. Notwithstanding the fact that he had lost
the use of his limbs to such an extent that he was practically
helpless, his wish was gratified, and he was brought to Tuskegee. The
owners of the Tuskegee Railroad, white men living in the town, offered
to run a special train, without cost, out of the main station—Chehaw,
five miles away—to meet him. He arrived on the school grounds about
nine o’clock in the evening. Some one had suggested that we give the
General a “pine-knot torchlight reception.” This plan was carried out,
and the moment that his carriage entered the school grounds he began
passing between two lines of lighted and waving “fat pine” wood knots
held by over a thousand students and teachers. The whole thing was so
novel and surprising that the General was completely overcome with
happiness. He remained a guest in my home for nearly two months, and,
although almost wholly without the use of voice or limb, he spent
nearly every hour in devising ways and means to help the South. Time
and time again he said to me, during this visit, that it was not only
the duty of the country to assist in elevating the Negro of the South,
but the poor white man as well. At the end of his visit I resolved anew
to devote myself more earnestly than ever to the cause which was so
near his heart. I said that if a man in his condition was willing to
think, work, and act, I should not be wanting in furthering in every
possible way the wish of his heart.
The death of General Armstrong, a few weeks later, gave me the
privilege of getting acquainted with one of the finest, most unselfish,
and most attractive men that I have ever come in contact with. I refer
to the Rev. Dr. Hollis B. Frissell, now the Principal of the Hampton
Institute, and General Armstrong’s successor. Under the clear, strong,
and almost perfect leadership of Dr. Frissell, Hampton has had a career
of prosperity and usefulness that is all that the General could have
wished for. It seems to be the constant effort of Dr. Frissell to hide
his own great personality behind that of General Armstrong—to make
himself of “no reputation” for the sake of the cause.
More than once I have been asked what was the greatest surprise that
ever came to me. I have little hesitation in answering that question.
It was the following letter, which came to me one Sunday morning when I
was sitting on the veranda of my home at Tuskegee, surrounded by my
wife and three children:—
Harvard University, Cambridge, May 28, 1896.
President Booker T. Washington,
My Dear Sir: Harvard University desired to confer on you at the
approaching Commencement an honorary degree; but it is our custom to
confer degrees only on gentlemen who are present. Our Commencement
occurs this year on June 24, and your presence would be desirable from
about noon till about five o’clock in the afternoon. Would it be
possible for you to be in Cambridge on that day?
Believe me, with great regard,
Very truly yours,
Charles W. Eliot.
This was a recognition that had never in the slightest manner entered
into my mind, and it was hard for me to realize that I was to be
honoured by a degree from the oldest and most renowned university in
America. As I sat upon my veranda, with this letter in my hand, tears
came into my eyes. My whole former life—my life as a slave on the
plantation, my work in the coal-mine, the times when I was without food
and clothing, when I made my bed under a sidewalk, my struggles for an
education, the trying days I had had at Tuskegee, days when I did not
know where to turn for a dollar to continue the work there, the
ostracism and sometimes oppression of my race,—all this passed before
me and nearly overcame me.
I had never sought or cared for what the world calls fame. I have
always looked upon fame as something to be used in accomplishing good.
I have often said to my friends that if I can use whatever prominence
may have come to me as an instrument with which to do good, I am
content to have it. I care for it only as a means to be used for doing
good, just as wealth may be used. The more I come into contact with
wealthy people, the more I believe that they are growing in the
direction of looking upon their money simply as an instrument which God
has placed in their hand for doing good with. I never go to the office
of Mr. John D. Rockefeller, who more than once has been generous to
Tuskegee, without being reminded of this. The close, careful, and
minute investigation that he always makes in order to be sure that
every dollar that he gives will do the most good—an investigation that
is just as searching as if he were investing money in a business
enterprise—convinces me that the growth in this direction is most
encouraging.
At nine o’clock, on the morning of June 24, I met President Eliot, the
Board of Overseers of Harvard University, and the other guests, at the
designated place on the university grounds, for the purpose of being
escorted to Sanders Theatre, where the Commencement exercises were to
be held and degrees conferred. Among others invited to be present for
the purpose of receiving a degree at this time were General Nelson A.
Miles, Dr. Bell, the inventor of the Bell telephone, Bishop Vincent,
and the Rev. Minot J. Savage. We were placed in line immediately behind
the President and the Board of Overseers, and directly afterward the
Governor of Massachusetts, escorted by the Lancers, arrived and took
his place in the line of march by the side of President Eliot. In the
line there were also various other officers and professors, clad in cap
and gown. In this order we marched to Sanders Theatre, where, after the
usual Commencement exercises, came the conferring of the honorary
degrees. This, it seems, is always considered the most interesting
feature at Harvard. It is not known, until the individuals appear, upon
whom the honorary degrees are to be conferred, and those receiving
these honours are cheered by the students and others in proportion to
their popularity. During the conferring of the degrees excitement and
enthusiasm are at the highest pitch.
When my name was called, I rose, and President Eliot, in beautiful and
strong English, conferred upon me the degree of Master of Arts. After
these exercises were over, those who had received honorary degrees were
invited to lunch with the President. After the lunch we were formed in
line again, and were escorted by the Marshal of the day, who that year
happened to be Bishop William Lawrence, through the grounds, where, at
different points, those who had been honoured were called by name and
received the Harvard yell. This march ended at Memorial Hall, where the
alumni dinner was served. To see over a thousand strong men,
representing all that is best in State, Church, business, and
education, with the glow and enthusiasm of college loyalty and college
pride,—which has, I think, a peculiar Harvard flavour,—is a sight that
does not easily fade from memory.
Among the speakers after dinner were President Eliot, Governor Roger
Wolcott, General Miles, Dr. Minot J. Savage, the Hon. Henry Cabot
Lodge, and myself. When I was called upon, I said, among other things:—
It would in some measure relieve my embarrassment if I could, even in a
slight degree, feel myself worthy of the great honour which you do me
to-day. Why you have called me from the Black Belt of the South, from
among my humble people, to share in the honours of this occasion, is
not for me to explain; and yet it may not be inappropriate for me to
suggest that it seems to me that one of the most vital questions that
touch our American life is how to bring the strong, wealthy, and
learned into helpful touch with the poorest, most ignorant, and
humblest, and at the same time make one appreciate the vitalizing,
strengthening influence of the other. How shall we make the mansion on
yon Beacon Street feel and see the need of the spirits in the lowliest
cabin in Alabama cotton-fields or Louisiana sugar-bottoms? This problem
Harvard University is solving, not by bringing itself down, but by
bringing the masses up.
If my life in the past has meant anything in the lifting up of my
people and the bringing about of better relations between your race and
mine, I assure you from this day it will mean doubly more. In the
economy of God there is but one standard by which an individual can
succeed—there is but one for a race. This country demands that every
race shall measure itself by the American standard. By it a race must
rise or fall, succeed or fail, and in the last analysis mere sentiment
counts for little. During the next half-century and more, my race must
continue passing through the severe American crucible. We are to be
tested in our patience, our forbearance, our perseverance, our power to
endure wrong, to withstand temptations, to economize, to acquire and
use skill; in our ability to compete, to succeed in commerce, to
disregard the superficial for the real, the appearance for the
substance, to be great and yet small, learned and yet simple, high and
yet the servant of all.
As this was the first time that a New England university had conferred
an honorary degree upon a Negro, it was the occasion of much newspaper
comment throughout the country. A correspondent of a New York paper
said:—
When the name of Booker T. Washington was called, and he arose to
acknowledge and accept, there was such an outburst of applause as
greeted no other name except that of the popular soldier patriot,
General Miles. The applause was not studied and stiff, sympathetic and
condoling; it was enthusiasm and admiration. Every part of the audience
from pit to gallery joined in, and a glow covered the cheeks of those
around me, proving sincere appreciation of the rising struggle of an
ex-slave and the work he has accomplished for his race.
A Boston paper said, editorially:—
In conferring the honorary degree of Master of Arts upon the Principal
of Tuskegee Institute, Harvard University has honoured itself as well
as the object of this distinction. The work which Professor Booker T.
Washington has accomplished for the education, good citizenship, and
popular enlightenment in his chosen field of labour in the South
entitles him to rank with our national benefactors. The university
which can claim him on its list of sons, whether in regular course or
honoris causa, may be proud.
It has been mentioned that Mr. Washington is the first of his race to
receive an honorary degree from a New England university. This, in
itself, is a distinction. But the degree was not conferred because Mr.
Washington is a coloured man, or because he was born in slavery, but
because he has shown, by his work for the elevation of the people of
the Black Belt of the South, a genius and a broad humanity which count
for greatness in any man, whether his skin be white or black.
Another Boston paper said:—
It is Harvard which, first among New England colleges, confers an
honorary degree upon a black man. No one who has followed the history
of Tuskegee and its work can fail to admire the courage, persistence,
and splendid common sense of Booker T. Washington. Well may Harvard
honour the ex-slave, the value of whose services, alike to his race and
country, only the future can estimate.
The correspondent of the New York Times wrote:—
All the speeches were enthusiastically received, but the coloured man
carried off the oratorical honours, and the applause which broke out
when he had finished was vociferous and long-continued.
Soon after I began work at Tuskegee I formed a resolution, in the
secret of my heart, that I would try to build up a school that would be
of so much service to the country that the President of the United
States would one day come to see it. This was, I confess, rather a bold
resolution, and for a number of years I kept it hidden in my own
thoughts, not daring to share it with any one.
In November, 1897, I made the first move in this direction, and that
was in securing a visit from a member of President McKinley’s Cabinet,
the Hon. James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture. He came to deliver an
address at the formal opening of the Slater-Armstrong Agricultural
Building, our first large building to be used for the purpose of giving
training to our students in agriculture and kindred branches.
In the fall of 1898 I heard that President McKinley was likely to visit
Atlanta, Georgia, for the purpose of taking part in the Peace Jubilee
exercises to be held there to commemorate the successful close of the
Spanish-American war. At this time I had been hard at work, together
with our teachers, for eighteen years, trying to build up a school that
we thought would be of service to the Nation, and I determined to make
a direct effort to secure a visit from the President and his Cabinet. I
went to Washington, and I was not long in the city before I found my
way to the White House. When I got there I found the waiting rooms full
of people, and my heart began to sink, for I feared there would not be
much chance of my seeing the President that day, if at all. But, at any
rate, I got an opportunity to see Mr. J. Addison Porter, the secretary
to the President, and explained to him my mission. Mr. Porter kindly
sent my card directly to the President, and in a few minutes word came
from Mr. McKinley that he would see me.
How any man can see so many people of all kinds, with all kinds of
errands, and do so much hard work, and still keep himself calm,
patient, and fresh for each visitor in the way that President McKinley
does, I cannot understand. When I saw the President he kindly thanked
me for the work which we were doing at Tuskegee for the interests of
the country. I then told him, briefly, the object of my visit. I
impressed upon him the fact that a visit from the Chief Executive of
the Nation would not only encourage our students and teachers, but
would help the entire race. He seemed interested, but did not make a
promise to go to Tuskegee, for the reason that his plans about going to
Atlanta were not then fully made; but he asked me to call the matter to
his attention a few weeks later.
By the middle of the following month the President had definitely
decided to attend the Peace Jubilee at Atlanta. I went to Washington
again and saw him, with a view of getting him to extend his trip to
Tuskegee. On this second visit Mr. Charles W. Hare, a prominent white
citizen of Tuskegee, kindly volunteered to accompany me, to reenforce
my invitation with one from the white people of Tuskegee and the
vicinity.
Just previous to my going to Washington the second time, the country
had been excited, and the coloured people greatly depressed, because of
several severe race riots which had occurred at different points in the
South. As soon as I saw the President, I perceived that his heart was
greatly burdened by reason of these race disturbances. Although there
were many people waiting to see him, he detained me for some time,
discussing the condition and prospects of the race. He remarked several
times that he was determined to show his interest and faith in the
race, not merely in words, but by acts. When I told him that I thought
that at that time scarcely anything would go farther in giving hope and
encouragement to the race than the fact that the President of the
Nation would be willing to travel one hundred and forty miles out of
his way to spend a day at a Negro institution, he seemed deeply
impressed.
While I was with the President, a white citizen of Atlanta, a Democrat
and an ex-slaveholder, came into the room, and the President asked his
opinion as to the wisdom of his going to Tuskegee. Without hesitation
the Atlanta man replied that it was the proper thing for him to do.
This opinion was reenforced by that friend of the race, Dr. J.L.M.
Curry. The President promised that he would visit our school on the
16th of December.
When it became known that the President was going to visit our school,
the white citizens of the town of Tuskegee—a mile distant from the
school—were as much pleased as were our students and teachers. The
white people of this town, including both men and women, began
arranging to decorate the town, and to form themselves into committees
for the purpose of cooperating with the officers of our school in order
that the distinguished visitor might have a fitting reception. I think
I never realized before this how much the white people of Tuskegee and
vicinity thought of our institution. During the days when we were
preparing for the President’s reception, dozens of these people came to
me and said that, while they did not want to push themselves into
prominence, if there was anything they could do to help, or to relieve
me personally, I had but to intimate it and they would be only too glad
to assist. In fact, the thing that touched me almost as deeply as the
visit of the President itself was the deep pride which all classes of
citizens in Alabama seemed to take in our work.
The morning of December 16th brought to the little city of Tuskegee
such a crowd as it had never seen before. With the President came Mrs.
McKinley and all of the Cabinet officers but one; and most of them
brought their wives or some members of their families. Several
prominent generals came, including General Shafter and General Joseph
Wheeler, who were recently returned from the Spanish-American war.
There was also a host of newspaper correspondents. The Alabama
Legislature was in session in Montgomery at this time. This body passed
a resolution to adjourn for the purpose of visiting Tuskegee. Just
before the arrival of the President’s party the Legislature arrived,
headed by the governor and other state officials.
The citizens of Tuskegee had decorated the town from the station to the
school in a generous manner. In order to economize in the matter of
time, we arranged to have the whole school pass in review before the
President. Each student carried a stalk of sugar-cane with some open
bolls of cotton fastened to the end of it. Following the students the
work of all departments of the school passed in review, displayed on
“floats” drawn by horses, mules, and oxen. On these floats we tried to
exhibit not only the present work of the school, but to show the
contrasts between the old methods of doing things and the new. As an
example, we showed the old method of dairying in contrast with the
improved methods, the old methods of tilling the soil in contrast with
the new, the old methods of cooking and housekeeping in contrast with
the new. These floats consumed an hour and a half of time in passing.
In his address in our large, new chapel, which the students had
recently completed, the President said, among other things:—
To meet you under such pleasant auspices and to have the opportunity of
a personal observation of your work is indeed most gratifying. The
Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute is ideal in its conception,
and has already a large and growing reputation in the country, and is
not unknown abroad. I congratulate all who are associated in this
undertaking for the good work which it is doing in the education of its
students to lead lives of honour and usefulness, thus exalting the race
for which it was established.
Nowhere, I think, could a more delightful location have been chosen for
this unique educational experiment, which has attracted the attention
and won the support even of conservative philanthropists in all
sections of the country.
To speak of Tuskegee without paying special tribute to Booker T.
Washington’s genius and perseverance would be impossible. The inception
of this noble enterprise was his, and he deserves high credit for it.
His was the enthusiasm and enterprise which made its steady progress
possible and established in the institution its present high standard
of accomplishment. He has won a worthy reputation as one of the great
leaders of his race, widely known and much respected at home and abroad
as an accomplished educator, a great orator, and a true philanthropist.
The Hon. John D. Long, the Secretary of the Navy, said in part:—
I cannot make a speech to-day. My heart is too full—full of hope,
admiration, and pride for my countrymen of both sections and both
colours. I am filled with gratitude and admiration for your work, and
from this time forward I shall have absolute confidence in your
progress and in the solution of the problem in which you are engaged.
The problem, I say, has been solved. A picture has been presented
to-day which should be put upon canvas with the pictures of Washington
and Lincoln, and transmitted to future time and generations—a picture
which the press of the country should spread broadcast over the land, a
most dramatic picture, and that picture is this: The President of the
United States standing on this platform; on one side the Governor of
Alabama, on the other, completing the trinity, a representative of a
race only a few years ago in bondage, the coloured President of the
Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute.
God bless the President under whose majesty such a scene as that is
presented to the American people. God bless the state of Alabama, which
is showing that it can deal with this problem for itself. God bless the
orator, philanthropist, and disciple of the Great Master—who, if he
were on earth, would be doing the same work—Booker T. Washington.
Postmaster General Smith closed the address which he made with these
words:—
We have witnessed many spectacles within the last few days. We have
seen the magnificent grandeur and the magnificent achievements of one
of the great metropolitan cities of the South. We have seen heroes of
the war pass by in procession. We have seen floral parades. But I am
sure my colleagues will agree with me in saying that we have witnessed
no spectacle more impressive and more encouraging, more inspiring for
our future, than that which we have witnessed here this morning.
Some days after the President returned to Washington I received the
letter which follows:—
Executive Mansion, Washington, Dec. 23, 1899.
Dear Sir: By this mail I take pleasure in sending you engrossed copies
of the souvenir of the visit of the President to your institution.
These sheets bear the autographs of the President and the members of
the Cabinet who accompanied him on the trip. Let me take this
opportunity of congratulating you most heartily and sincerely upon the
great success of the exercises provided for and entertainment furnished
us under your auspices during our visit to Tuskegee. Every feature of
the programme was perfectly executed and was viewed or participated in
with the heartiest satisfaction by every visitor present. The unique
exhibition which you gave of your pupils engaged in their industrial
vocations was not only artistic but thoroughly impressive. The tribute
paid by the President and his Cabinet to your work was none too high,
and forms a most encouraging augury, I think, for the future prosperity
of your institution. I cannot close without assuring you that the
modesty shown by yourself in the exercises was most favourably
commented upon by all the members of our party.
With best wishes for the continued advance of your most useful and
patriotic undertaking, kind personal regards, and the compliments of
the season, believe me, always,
Very sincerely yours,
John Addison Porter,
Secretary to the President.
To President Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee Normal and Industrial
Institute, Tuskegee, Ala.
Twenty years have now passed since I made the first humble effort at
Tuskegee, in a broken-down shanty and an old hen-house, without owning
a dollar’s worth of property, and with but one teacher and thirty
students. At the present time the institution owns twenty-three hundred
acres of land, one thousand of which are under cultivation each year,
entirely by student labour. There are now upon the grounds, counting
large and small, sixty-six buildings; and all except four of these have
been almost wholly erected by the labour of our students. While the
students are at work upon the land and in erecting buildings, they are
taught, by competent instructors, the latest methods of agriculture and
the trades connected with building.
There are in constant operation at the school, in connection with
thorough academic and religious training, thirty industrial
departments. All of these teach industries at which our men and women
can find immediate employment as soon as they leave the institution.
The only difficulty now is that the demand for our graduates from both
white and black people in the South is so great that we cannot supply
more than one-half the persons for whom applications come to us.
Neither have we the buildings nor the money for current expenses to
enable us to admit to the school more than one-half the young men and
women who apply to us for admission.
In our industrial teaching we keep three things in mind: first, that
the student shall be so educated that he shall be enabled to meet
conditions as they exist now, in the part of the South where he
lives—in a word, to be able to do the thing which the world wants done;
second, that every student who graduates from the school shall have
enough skill, coupled with intelligence and moral character, to enable
him to make a living for himself and others; third, to send every
graduate out feeling and knowing that labour is dignified and
beautiful—to make each one love labour instead of trying to escape it.
In addition to the agricultural training which we give to young men,
and the training given to our girls in all the usual domestic
employments, we now train a number of girls in agriculture each year.
These girls are taught gardening, fruit-growing, dairying, bee-culture,
and poultry-raising.
While the institution is in no sense denominational, we have a
department known as the Phelps Hall Bible Training School, in which a
number of students are prepared for the ministry and other forms of
Christian work, especially work in the country districts. What is
equally important, each one of the students works half of each day at
some industry, in order to get skill and the love of work, so that when
he goes out from the institution he is prepared to set the people with
whom he goes to labour a proper example in the matter of industry.
The value of our property is now over $700,000. If we add to this our
endowment fund, which at present is $1,000,000, the value of the total
property is now $1,700,000. Aside from the need for more buildings and
for money for current expenses, the endowment fund should be increased
to at least $3,000,000. The annual current expenses are now about
$150,000. The greater part of this I collect each year by going from
door to door and from house to house. All of our property is free from
mortgage, and is deeded to an undenominational board of trustees who
have the control of the institution.
From thirty students the number has grown to fourteen hundred, coming
from twenty-seven states and territories, from Africa, Cuba, Porto
Rico, Jamaica, and other foreign countries. In our departments there
are one hundred and ten officers and instructors; and if we add the
families of our instructors, we have a constant population upon our
grounds of not far from seventeen hundred people.
I have often been asked how we keep so large a body of people together,
and at the same time keep them out of mischief. There are two answers:
that the men and women who come to us for an education are in earnest;
and that everybody is kept busy. The following outline of our daily
work will testify to this:—
5 a.m., rising bell; 5.50 a.m., warning breakfast bell; 6 a.m.,
breakfast bell; 6.20 a.m., breakfast over; 6.20 to 6.50 a.m., rooms are
cleaned; 6.50, work bell; 7.30, morning study hours; 8.20, morning
school bell; 8.25, inspection of young men’s toilet in ranks; 8.40,
devotional exercises in chapel; 8.55, “five minutes with the daily
news;” 9 a.m., class work begins; 12, class work closes; 12.15 p.m.,
dinner; 1 p.m., work bell; 1.30 p.m., class work begins; 3.30 p.m.,
class work ends; 5.30 p.m., bell to “knock off” work; 6 p.m., supper;
7.10 p.m., evening prayers; 7.30 p.m., evening study hours; 8.45 p.m.,
evening study hour closes; 9.20 p.m., warning retiring bell; 9.30 p.m.,
retiring bell.
We try to keep constantly in mind the fact that the worth of the school
is to be judged by its graduates. Counting those who have finished the
full course, together with those who have taken enough training to
enable them to do reasonably good work, we can safely say that at least
six thousand men and women from Tuskegee are now at work in different
parts of the South; men and women who, by their own example or by
direct efforts, are showing the masses of our race now to improve their
material, educational, and moral and religious life. What is equally
important, they are exhibiting a degree of common sense and
self-control which is causing better relations to exist between the
races, and is causing the Southern white man to learn to believe in the
value of educating the men and women of my race. Aside from this, there
is the influence that is constantly being exerted through the mothers’
meeting and the plantation work conducted by Mrs. Washington.
Wherever our graduates go, the changes which soon begin to appear in
the buying of land, improving homes, saving money, in education, and in
high moral characters are remarkable. Whole communities are fast being
revolutionized through the instrumentality of these men and women.
Ten years ago I organized at Tuskegee the first Negro Conference. This
is an annual gathering which now brings to the school eight or nine
hundred representative men and women of the race, who come to spend a
day in finding out what the actual industrial, mental, and moral
conditions of the people are, and in forming plans for improvement. Out
from this central Negro Conference at Tuskegee have grown numerous
state and local conferences which are doing the same kind of work. As a
result of the influence of these gatherings, one delegate reported at
the last annual meeting that ten families in his community had bought
and paid for homes. On the day following the annual Negro Conference,
there is the “Workers’ Conference.” This is composed of officers and
teachers who are engaged in educational work in the larger institutions
in the South. The Negro Conference furnishes a rare opportunity for
these workers to study the real condition of the rank and file of the
people.
In the summer of 1900, with the assistance of such prominent coloured
men as Mr. T. Thomas Fortune, who has always upheld my hands in every
effort, I organized the National Negro Business League, which held its
first meeting in Boston, and brought together for the first time a
large number of the coloured men who are engaged in various lines of
trade or business in different parts of the United States. Thirty
states were represented at our first meeting. Out of this national
meeting grew state and local business leagues.
In addition to looking after the executive side of the work at
Tuskegee, and raising the greater part of the money for the support of
the school, I cannot seem to escape the duty of answering at least a
part of the calls which come to me unsought to address Southern white
audiences and audiences of my own race, as well as frequent gatherings
in the North. As to how much of my time is spent in this way, the
following clipping from a Buffalo (N.Y.) paper will tell. This has
reference to an occasion when I spoke before the National Educational
Association in that city.
Booker T. Washington, the foremost educator among the coloured people
of the world, was a very busy man from the time he arrived in the city
the other night from the West and registered at the Iroquois. He had
hardly removed the stains of travel when it was time to partake of
supper. Then he held a public levee in the parlours of the Iroquois
until eight o’clock. During that time he was greeted by over two
hundred eminent teachers and educators from all parts of the United
States. Shortly after eight o’clock he was driven in a carriage to
Music Hall, and in one hour and a half he made two ringing addresses,
to as many as five thousand people, on Negro education. Then Mr.
Washington was taken in charge by a delegation of coloured citizens,
headed by the Rev. Mr. Watkins, and hustled off to a small informal
reception, arranged in honour of the visitor by the people of his race.
Nor can I, in addition to making these addresses, escape the duty of
calling the attention of the South and of the country in general,
through the medium of the press, to matters that pertain to the
interests of both races. This, for example, I have done in regard to
the evil habit of lynching. When the Louisiana State Constitutional
Convention was in session, I wrote an open letter to that body pleading
for justice for the race. In all such efforts I have received warm and
hearty support from the Southern newspapers, as well as from those in
all other parts of the country.
Despite superficial and temporary signs which might lead one to
entertain a contrary opinion, there was never a time when I felt more
hopeful for the race than I do at the present. The great human law that
in the end recognizes and rewards merit is everlasting and universal.
The outside world does not know, neither can it appreciate, the
struggle that is constantly going on in the hearts of both the Southern
white people and their former slaves to free themselves from racial
prejudice; and while both races are thus struggling they should have
the sympathy, the support, and the forbearance of the rest of the
world.
As I write the closing words of this autobiography I find myself—not by
design—in the city of Richmond, Virginia: the city which only a few
decades ago was the capital of the Southern Confederacy, and where,
about twenty-five years ago, because of my poverty I slept night after
night under a sidewalk.
This time I am in Richmond as the guest of the coloured people of the
city; and came at their request to deliver an address last night to
both races in the Academy of Music, the largest and finest audience
room in the city. This was the first time that the coloured people had
ever been permitted to use this hall. The day before I came, the City
Council passed a vote to attend the meeting in a body to hear me speak.
The state Legislature, including the House of Delegates and the Senate,
also passed a unanimous vote to attend in a body. In the presence of
hundreds of coloured people, many distinguished white citizens, the
City Council, the state Legislature, and state officials, I delivered
my message, which was one of hope and cheer; and from the bottom of my
heart I thanked both races for this welcome back to the state that gave
me birth.
Public-domain original text shown for study context.
Simple English explanation
Washington closes by summarizing his beliefs about service, work, education, race relations, and progress. He presents his life as evidence for patient institution-building.
1-minute summary
The final chapter gathers Washington’s main lessons. He argues for practical education, cooperation, character, and service, while presenting Tuskegee as the center of his life’s work.
Key takeaways
- The book ends with Washington’s philosophy of progress.
- Education and work remain central.
- Service gives personal success meaning.
- His strategy should be read with both respect and historical context.
Modern example
A reader today can learn from Washington’s institution-building while also comparing his approach with more confrontational civil-rights strategies.
For kids
Washington ends by saying education, work, and service matter most.