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CHAPTER I
THAT THE GENERAL WILL IS INDESTRUCTIBLE
As long as several men in assembly regard themselves as a single body,
they have only a single will which is concerned with their common
preservation and general well-being. In this case, all the springs of
the State are vigorous and simple and its rules clear and luminous;
there are no embroilments or conflicts of interests; the common good is
everywhere clearly apparent, and only good sense is needed to perceive
it. Peace, unity and equality are the enemies of political subtleties.
Men who are upright and simple are difficult to deceive because of
their simplicity; lures and ingenious pretexts fail to impose upon
them, and they are not even subtle enough to be dupes. When, among the
happiest people in the world, bands of peasants are seen regulating
affairs of State under an oak, and always acting wisely, can we help
scorning the ingenious methods of other nations, which make themselves
illustrious and wretched with so much art and mystery?
A State so governed needs very few laws; and, as it becomes necessary
to issue new ones, the necessity is universally seen. The first man to
propose them merely says what all have already felt, and there is no
question of factions or intrigues or eloquence in order to secure the
passage into law of what every one has already decided to do, as soon
as he is sure that the rest will act with him.
Theorists are led into error because, seeing only States that have
been from the beginning wrongly constituted, they are struck by the
impossibility of applying such a policy to them. They make great game
of all the absurdities a clever rascal or an insinuating speaker might
get the people of Paris or London to believe. They do not know that
Cromwell would have been put to "the bells" by the people of Berne, and
the Due de Beaufort on the treadmill by the Genevese.
But when the social bond begins to be relaxed and the State to grow
weak, when particular interests begin to make themselves felt and the
smaller societies to exercise an influence over the larger, the common
interest changes and finds opponents: opinion is no longer unanimous;
the general will ceases to be the will of all; contradictory views and
debates arise; and the best advice is not taken without question.
Finally, when the State, on the eve of ruin, maintains only a vain,
illusory and formal existence, when in every heart the social bond
is broken, and the meanest interest brazenly lays hold of the sacred
name of "public good," the general will becomes mute: all men, guided
by secret motives, no more give their views as citizens than if the
State had never been; and iniquitous decrees directed solely to private
interest get passed under the name of laws.
Does it follow from this that the general will is exterminated or
corrupted? Not at all: it is always constant, unalterable and pure; but
it is subordinated to other wills which encroach upon its sphere. Each
man, in detaching, his interest from the common interest, sees clearly
that he cannot entirely separate them; but his share in the public
mishaps seems to him negligible beside the exclusive good he aims at
making his own. Apart from this particular good, he wills the general
good in his own interest, as strongly as any one else. Even in selling
his vote for money, he does not extinguish in himself the general
will, but only eludes it. The fault he commits is that of changing the
state of the question, and answering something different from what he
is asked. Instead of saying, by his vote, "It is to the advantage of
the State," he says, "It is of advantage to this or that man or party
that this or that view should prevail." Thus the law of public order
in assemblies is not so much to maintain in them the general will as
to secure that the question be always put to it, and the answer always
given by it.
I could here set down many reflections on the simple right of voting
in every act of Sovereignty--a right which no-one can take from the
citizens--and also on the right of stating views, making proposals,
dividing and discussing, which the government is always most careful
to leave solely to its members; but this important subject would need a
treatise to itself, and it is impossible to say everything in a single
work.